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Tag Archives: negative externalities

A Price Ceiling Has Unintended Consequences

Asked if it makes sense to mandate lower rents for some apartments in large cities, many of us say yes. Lower rents facilitate diversity and they enable middle income municipal workers to live close to home. Affordability is good. Yes?

The residents of Cambridge, Massachusetts displayed their support for rent control when they voted to continue it in 1995. However, because the rent control mandate lost in a statewide referendum, Cambridge residents were defeated.

Maybe, though, they really won.

Looking closely at the impact of capping apartment rents on all properties built before 1969 in Cambridge, 2 researchers uncovered a steep downside. Reducing rents 25% to 40% lower than nearby apartments made the value of all housing– controlled and non-controlled–decline. In addition, for rent controlled properties, the peeling paint and loose railings were examples of generally poor upkeep. And, as all econ books remind us, rent ceilings create shortages because, at a lower price, more quantity is demanded than the amount supplied.

After 1995, when the controls were lifted, assessed values rose. For previously controlled properties, they went up approximately 20%. For non-controlled buildings, the increase was even more. Totally, the amount values rose from 1994 to 2004 because rent control ended was estimated as close to $1.8 billion.

Our bottom line: The connection might seem distant but let’s return to a previous post on price gouging. Both rent control and anti-price gouging laws sound like attractive public policies with considerable voter appeal. However, both have negative externalities– a harmful impact experienced by an uninvolved third party–that represent the hidden cost we all pay.

A final fact: There are approximately 1 million rent controlled units in NYC.

Sources and resources: Thanks to Timothy Taylor for the Conversable Economist post that explains the impact of rent control in Cambridge, MA and for his link to the original study. If you want to read more about rent control, here is the story of a challenge in NYC that involved the Supreme Court. For anti-price gouging laws, here is what NJ Governor Christie is enforcing and here is a criticism.

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Singapore's Expensive VW Passats

When a country’s economy is ranked the 2nd freest in the world, how do they manage auto congestion and pollution?

By auctioning a limited number of vehicle permits, Singapore makes owning a car very expensive. A VW Passat in Singapore could cost as much as the median price of a house in a US metropolitan area ($158,100).

The reason is demand and supply. On the demand side, there are lots of millionaires (17% of all households), unemployment is low, job security is high and businesses will make interest free car loans to employees. On the supply side, permits are limited. As a result, according to auction information on Bloomberg, the vehicle permit alone could cost you S$89,990 ($73,332.52).

In other words, Singapore creates a market in vehicle permits to control traffic congestion and auto pollution.

Sources and Resources: My thanks to marginalrevolution.com for the Singapore story and Bloomberg for the details. Also, here, Bloomberg reports the most recent price of the permit and here is the (astronomical) price of a VW Passat. Finally, to see why Singapore is categorized as a free economy when its political system is much more restrictive, you can look at the Singapore link in the Index of Economic Freedom.

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19th Century Urban Transport Was An Environmental Problem

Hearing Kermit the Frog say, “It’s not easy being green,” Mexican environmentalists might agree.

Since March 2009, Mexican households have been offered cash payments or subsidized loans for replacing refrigerators and air-conditioners that were more than 10 years old with new energy efficient appliances. The goal was to diminish electricity usage and carbon dioxide emissions. So far, 1.5 million households have participated.

Surprisingly, refrigerator savings were less than expected and air-conditioner use increased. Researchers believe that newer refrigerator models were larger and had extra features like ice makers that somewhat offset their energy savings. For air-conditioners, people just used them much more.

Energy savings programs are tough to design and evaluate. As with refrigerators and air-conditioners, changing incentives can have unpredictable consequences. In addition, even if an energy savings program does not save energy, it still could provide considerable benefits far beyond its costs because of better refrigeration and cooler homes. And finally, we should always remember the “rebound” effect. Explained by William Jevons in an 1865 book called The Coal Question, the “rebound” effect resulted when the energy efficiency created by the steam engine encouraged more energy use rather than less. Jevons said, “It is wholly a confusion of ideas to suppose that the economical use of fuel is equivalent to a diminished consumption. The very contrary is truth.”

Maybe Kermit was right.

This NBER paper fully describes  the Mexican cash for coolers program and if you want to read more about the rebound effect, I suggest this fascinating New Yorker article.  For a more academic study, this Congressional Research Service (CRS) report explains that the “rebound” effect is most evident in a developing economy because slack demand can lead to considerable increase in energy use. In a mature market, the “rebound” effect is less pronounced.

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By Mira Korber, guest blogger.

You probably know that where you live says quite a lot about the public education you receive. However, living in a geographical zone that touts quality schooling may cost more than you realize.

A new Brookings study shows a very large “price gap” relationship between expensive housing, low-cost housing, and education. For example, in the US’ most prominent 100 metropolitan areas, housing costs proved 2.4% greater than in other locations. (That’s $11k per year). Additionally, homes are clustered economically; when assessing high-income versus low-income housing, a disparity in standardized testing scores becomes evident.

Quoting the study directly: “Northeastern metro areas with relatively high levels of economic segregation exhibit the highest school test-score gaps between low-income students and other students.”

So, what does this mean for the cost of living near good public education? It actually may be cheaper to live in a low income neighborhood and send your kids to private school than moving to an expensive residential zone. Here are the numbers: in the NYC region, it costs $16k more per year to live near high-scoring schools than low-scoring ones. According to the NY Times, average private Catholic school tuition is $6k.

The Bottom Line? High-cost homes bring us to negative externalities (undesirable impacts on a third party due to a private transaction). Just as a factory near a once-clean stream contaminates the water source, expensive housing can negatively impact the surrounding communities. High housing costs are directly related to quality education; therefore, soaring prices prevent — negatively affect — the less affluent third party from accessing better schools.

Related sources:

The main source material for this post can be found here. The link to the Brookings study cited above. And a very interesting NYU study about the correlation between public housing and lower standardized test scores.

 

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You’ve probably heard the story. Fed up, a flight attendant tells passengers what he really thinks of them, grabs a beer, presses the button for the emergency chute, and leaves the plane. The overhead storage bin might have been the reason.

Overhead bins create frustration for everyone. They increase boarding delays. A cascading overflow can be dangerous when doors pop open. Attendants have to restrain impatient fliers from grabbing a bag before the plane has stopped. A cost saving fast turnaround for aircraft is delayed by passengers having to retrieve their paraphernalia. Deplaning is agonizingly slow.

An economist would disagree with a NY Times solution: “Carry-Ons and Courtesy Need to Co-Exist“. Instead, incentives have to change. Because checked baggage generates huge revenue, airlines have the incentive to charge. Responding, passengers have the incentive to take more onboard. One solution? Spirit is charging for carry-ons. Your opinion?

The Economic Lesson

Two economic concepts explain the problem:

1) The fallacy of composition states that what is good for one is bad when everyone does it. An example is fleeing from a fire in a crowded movie theater. One person, alone, can quickly leave but everyone together cannot. Similarly, one person can enjoy the plane’s overhead bin but everyone together cannot. When airlines decided to charge for checked luggage, they worsened the fallacy of composition.

2) A negative externality is a cost to a third party because of the unrelated agreement between 2 other individuals. Here, the airline agrees with you or me that it is okay to bring baggage onboard. The result, though, is a cost to other passengers and the flight staff. On an aircraft, the negative externalities multiply geometrically because everyone is creating them.

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